Why Granada wanted a straight street through its medina
By 1890 the centre of Granada was still a knot of lanes inherited from the Nasrid city, and the local Chamber of Commerce had decided it was bad for business. In November it proposed a wide, straight road. The Chamber's own letter asked for about 700 metres, the book's presentation summarises the proposal as 840 metres long, and the street as cut measured about 820. A publicly held company, La Reformadora Granadina, was founded to carry the operation out.
The man who drew it was the municipal architect, Modesto Cendoya y Busquets, hired in 1890 for what the documents call the Proyecto de la Calle de Colón. Spanish planners called this kind of scheme a reforma interior: surgery on a city that already existed. The model was Paris, and the sales pitch was the same.
The official arguments were hygiene and trade. Promoters pointed to a mortality rate said to be twice London's. A modern street, they argued, would let air, carts and commerce through quarters that had none of the three.
The Darro had already been vaulted over by then, and the ground was in some sense prepared. That earlier story belongs to
the Darro river history, and this piece does not retell it.
The route, the silver pickaxe and the numbers
The Chamber's wording of the route is the most precise description we have. The street was to start at Méndez Núñez, opposite La Sierpe, and run "cutting the Zacatín, Mesa Redonda and calle de la Cárcel" before heading for the Triunfo. The Zacatín is the first street the cut crossed.
The line was not random. It slips between the convents of Ángel Custodio and Santa Paula and passes the back façade of the
Granada Cathedral.
On 25 August 1895 the city's archbishop opened the works with a silver pickaxe. A church blessing a demolition tells you who this project belonged to: the respectable establishment of the city, not its poorer quarters.
Roser Martínez Ramos, the architect and researcher whose study underpins most of what follows, uses the Italian term sventramenti for it, a "cala" of 821.90 m by 20 m executed over an obsolete urban structure. Expropriation orders covered 244 buildings between 1895 and 1908.
The book's Presentación, signed by Giménez Yanguas and Martín Rodríguez, calls it the most important work of reforma interior in nineteenth-century Spain. Martínez Ramos herself estimates that around 20% of the city area was demolished, yet the same sentence puts the figure at almost 5 hectares. Treat the percentage as one scholar's estimate, not a settled count.
Who paid: evictions, the Albaicín and a loss-making scheme
The promoters did not hide who would profit. The project report itself noted that landlords would gain, because 500 families would have to look for new housing. The scheme was sold as a cure for slums, but it began by creating homeless tenants.
Those tenants went to equally old houses, and the
Albaicín, the main recipient of the evicted, ended up more saturated and unhealthy than before.
A project justified by hygiene made the city's worst-housed hill worse. It is the sharpest irony in the whole story.
A reviewer of Martínez Ramos describes a speculative background similar to that of the Paris boulevards, although the operation finally ran at a loss for its promoters. The poor lost their homes, and the investors did not even get rich from it.
The writer Ángel Ganivet saw it coming. In 1896 he described a "picturesque, very beautiful city, full of appeal for the artist and the archaeologist" being lost. His thinking was not immediately influential, and the Gran Vía was built regardless.